alleged campaign to discredit the DR: is it real

Howard implies that Dominican resentment against Haiti is exaggerated. Although mentioning the Haitian occupation, he does not elaborate on the violence and brutality that accompanied it. Rather, the author insists that the occupation was really not so terrible and that the "populations were brought closer together" by the military occupation (p. 28). Incomplete citing precludes the reader from examining possible evidence supporting this contention.

If Dominicans are so anti-black and racist, as Howard argues, how does one account for Pena Gomez's election as mayor of Santo Domingo during the 1980s? Howard, nevertheless, argues that blackness in the Dominican Republic "loses elections" (p. 153).

Factual errors weaken the study. For example, the author's definition of jabao is erroneous (p. 3). Howard implies that jabao can be used interchangeably with the term mulatto, when in fact jabao applies only to a small sector of the population that is light-skinned but has African features. The author's contention that the Roman Catholic Church "continues to reinforce gender inequality" in the Dominican Republic is asserted without any substantiating documentation (p. 90).

Coloring the Nation is also marred by poor citation. Of the scant seventy footnotes, most are literary passages in Spanish. Throughout the text, vague references to books without page number references complicate the reader's ability to look for evidence supporting Howard's assertions. Authors' names are dropped into the text without their full name or credentials. This oversight is compounded by the fact that most of Howard's bibliographic entries only provide an abbreviated name.

Howard raises two important concerns is his study: racism and the level of anti-Haitian sentiment in the Dominican Republic. Unfortunately, by attributing anti-Haitian sentiment primarily to racism, the author oversimplifies a complex issue. Although racism exists in the Dominican Republic, it is not the driving force of national identity or anti-Haitian sentiment. Class, language, religion, and national origin continue to be important identifying factors in Dominican society that differentiate Dominicans from Haitians.

Click to expand...

DR1 News said:

US$30 million international campaign

International organizations reportedly are preparing to launch a US$30 million international campaign accusing the Dominican Republic of enslaving Haitians that work here and of denying Dominican nationality to Haitians that are born here, as reported in El Dia.

The month-long program is scheduled to kick off in France in May sponsored by Amnesty International, the office of Paris mayor Bertrand Delanoe and the artistic group Collectif 2004 Images.

El Dia explains that key figures behind the campaign are Catholic priests, Christopher Hartley, who is related to Spanish nobility and is close to the monarchs of Spain, and Pedro Ruquoy. Hartley was asked to leave the country when his superior Bishop Francisco Osoria expelled him from the diocese on occasion of uncovering Hartley's participation in criminal happenings, as reported in El Dia. Ruquoy left the country shortly after it was discovered that he irregularly served as the father to declare several children of illegal Haitian parents so these could get their Dominican birth certificates. Another key figure mentioned as part of the campaign is the Haitian activist in the DR, Sonia Pierre. Ambassador Radhames Batista, president of the National Border council recently stated that her real name is Solain Pie and that she received an irregular birth certificate as Sonia Pierre because her mother was the undocumented illegal resident Maria Pie. She was declared by Ramon Juan whose cedula No. 20888-23 was forged.

Recently, the Central Electoral Board ruled for the implementation of the Libro de Extranjeria that documents when a foreigner is born here. El Dia reports that the new registration document has been well received by the US Consulate, not so by international organizations that demand that all those born in the DR be granted Dominican citizenship. In December 2005, the Supreme Court of Justice ruled that those born to parents without permanent residence or citizenship would not be Dominicans at birth.

Given the difficulties in stemming migration at the border, the DR every year receives thousands of new Haitian migrants. Over the years, the Dominican governments have done little to reduce the migration. As the problems in Haiti have increased, more and more Haitians cross the border. While Haitians were initially hired to work in sugar plantations, sugar harvests are being mechanized and today more Haitians are attracted by the many jobs available in construction and as gardeners, housekeepers and street sales. The Ministry of Superior Education reports that there are approximately 6,000 Haitians studying in Dominican universities, and public hospitals are heavily burdened by thousands of Haitian mothers that cross the border to give birth and receive free medical services.

Click to expand...

NALs said:

Despite all of that, I'll bet there are still many people who insist there is no such thing as an anti-Dominican conspiracy.

-NALs

Click to expand...

Squat said:

Yeah of course, Nals, every night, The people in power in the US, France and Canada are all planning on how to reunite Hispaniola under Haitian rule !!!

Click to expand...