On October 20, 1995 John McLaughlin and his team of investigators knew that the Dominican drug gangs were dominant in and around Philadelphia where they were concentrating their enforcement efforts. He certainly knew that Dominicans controlled the flow of heroin and cocaine onto Philadelphia streets. Being a guy who always liked to go to the top, "Sparky" had a habit of digging when tantalizing leads came his way. So, on October 20, 1995, when he and his crew, which came to include fellow investigators Charles Micewski, Dennis J. McKeefery and Edward Eggles, interrogated Dominican national drug suspects and found campaign literature leading to the Dominican Revolutionary Party (PRD) and the presidential campaign of Jose Francisco Pena-Gomez, they were intrigued. By October 23, 1995 an IG Regional Director had gotten involved and an Intelligence Analyst for the State made a call to the CIA to discuss what they had found. Apparently the CIA was interested.
According to records and affidavits filed as part of a 1998 civil suit filed by "Sparky" and his colleagues against employees of the CIA, the State Department and the State of Pennsylvania, CIA Agent David Lawrence was interested enough to travel to the BNI offices that day to discuss the case and find out what information "Sparky" had turned up. Hindsight being 20/20 I'll bet "Sparky" now rues the day that first contact with CIA was ever made.
While the bureaucrats, or the "suits", as they are known, did what they do, "Sparky" and Co. did what they do. Sparky quickly developed informants inside the (PRD) and by November 13, 1995 had learned that if the PRD candidate, Jose Francisco Pena-Gomez, won the upcoming presidential election in May, 1996 that "narcotics would flow much easier into the U.S." from Dominican and PRD sources. On December 7th (another bad omen for "Sparky" & Co.) the CIA contacted BNI intelligence analysts and advised that the CIA station in the Dominican Republic was very interested and that the CIA would send a field representative to BNI's office on Dec. 11th. CIA Agent Victoria Naylor advised BNI that she would henceforth only talk over a secure phone.
On December 11th 1995 Naylor visited BNI and opened up a liaison on the case with McLaughlin's superiors. Meanwhile, McLaughlin Company were digging deeper into the leadership of the PRD and starting to make large seizures of heroin, cocaine and cash. McLaughlin, now working with regional DEA officials, penetrated the PRD leadership leading to Worcester, Massachusetts and back into the heart of Dominican power in the New York City area. By January 17th of 1996, just five months before the Dominican Presidential election and ten and a half months before the U.S. presidential election, McLaughlin's investigation was attracting notice in many quarters.
On January 17, 1996 the CIA advised BNI that it was sending an official from the Caribbean desk to brief BNI on the Dominican Revolutionary Party. The CIA did a background check on everyone who would attend. The CIA also provided a confidential memorandum for the CIA Chief of Station Larry Leightly, which read in part that Pena and the PRD were widely seen as the U.S. Embassy's candidates of choice in the 1994 elections. Over time it was revealed by the CIA, through various memoranda and conversations that Pena, even though he was both an avowed Marxist and a major drug trafficker, enjoyed the support of both Bill Clinton's State Department and Bill Clinton's Central Intelligence Agency. The Leightly memo also explained that Assistant Secretary of State Alex Watson was "in Santo Domingo on 11 December 1994 and had a lengthy meeting with Pena." Although Pena-Gomez has a long history of Marxist and anti-American activism "Pena-Gomez and the [PRD] are considered main stream in the political spectrum. He and his ideology pose no specific problems for U.S. foreign policy."
Meanwhile, back on the streets, "Sparky" was still doing police work. He was cultivating two undercover informants, one of whom was able to report on activities at the highest levels of the PRD. By January 23, "Sparky's" informants were relaying information that the mainstream candidate favored by the Clinton White House was demanding huge cash payoffs, condoning and supporting drug smuggling but warning party members not to get caught with drugs before the election. Party leaders also relayed a promise that if Pena-Gomez won the election he would "greatly facilitate the flow of drugs into the US" and the flow of money into PRD pockets.
By March 25, "Sparky's" main informant had worked his way into the national PRD leadership in New York City, the same turf where Joe Occhipinti had been bludgeoned six years earlier. From just one informant McLaughlin had been able to document a single stream (out of many streams) of drug money into Pena's coffers totaling more than $2 million. Federal investiagtions were raging everywhere and even the Treasury Department's FINCEN (Financial Crimes Enforcement Network) was tracking the dollar volume of drug money involved.
OOPS!
According to records and affidavits filed as part of a 1998 civil suit filed by "Sparky" and his colleagues against employees of the CIA, the State Department and the State of Pennsylvania, CIA Agent David Lawrence was interested enough to travel to the BNI offices that day to discuss the case and find out what information "Sparky" had turned up. Hindsight being 20/20 I'll bet "Sparky" now rues the day that first contact with CIA was ever made.
While the bureaucrats, or the "suits", as they are known, did what they do, "Sparky" and Co. did what they do. Sparky quickly developed informants inside the (PRD) and by November 13, 1995 had learned that if the PRD candidate, Jose Francisco Pena-Gomez, won the upcoming presidential election in May, 1996 that "narcotics would flow much easier into the U.S." from Dominican and PRD sources. On December 7th (another bad omen for "Sparky" & Co.) the CIA contacted BNI intelligence analysts and advised that the CIA station in the Dominican Republic was very interested and that the CIA would send a field representative to BNI's office on Dec. 11th. CIA Agent Victoria Naylor advised BNI that she would henceforth only talk over a secure phone.
On December 11th 1995 Naylor visited BNI and opened up a liaison on the case with McLaughlin's superiors. Meanwhile, McLaughlin Company were digging deeper into the leadership of the PRD and starting to make large seizures of heroin, cocaine and cash. McLaughlin, now working with regional DEA officials, penetrated the PRD leadership leading to Worcester, Massachusetts and back into the heart of Dominican power in the New York City area. By January 17th of 1996, just five months before the Dominican Presidential election and ten and a half months before the U.S. presidential election, McLaughlin's investigation was attracting notice in many quarters.
On January 17, 1996 the CIA advised BNI that it was sending an official from the Caribbean desk to brief BNI on the Dominican Revolutionary Party. The CIA did a background check on everyone who would attend. The CIA also provided a confidential memorandum for the CIA Chief of Station Larry Leightly, which read in part that Pena and the PRD were widely seen as the U.S. Embassy's candidates of choice in the 1994 elections. Over time it was revealed by the CIA, through various memoranda and conversations that Pena, even though he was both an avowed Marxist and a major drug trafficker, enjoyed the support of both Bill Clinton's State Department and Bill Clinton's Central Intelligence Agency. The Leightly memo also explained that Assistant Secretary of State Alex Watson was "in Santo Domingo on 11 December 1994 and had a lengthy meeting with Pena." Although Pena-Gomez has a long history of Marxist and anti-American activism "Pena-Gomez and the [PRD] are considered main stream in the political spectrum. He and his ideology pose no specific problems for U.S. foreign policy."
Meanwhile, back on the streets, "Sparky" was still doing police work. He was cultivating two undercover informants, one of whom was able to report on activities at the highest levels of the PRD. By January 23, "Sparky's" informants were relaying information that the mainstream candidate favored by the Clinton White House was demanding huge cash payoffs, condoning and supporting drug smuggling but warning party members not to get caught with drugs before the election. Party leaders also relayed a promise that if Pena-Gomez won the election he would "greatly facilitate the flow of drugs into the US" and the flow of money into PRD pockets.
By March 25, "Sparky's" main informant had worked his way into the national PRD leadership in New York City, the same turf where Joe Occhipinti had been bludgeoned six years earlier. From just one informant McLaughlin had been able to document a single stream (out of many streams) of drug money into Pena's coffers totaling more than $2 million. Federal investiagtions were raging everywhere and even the Treasury Department's FINCEN (Financial Crimes Enforcement Network) was tracking the dollar volume of drug money involved.
OOPS!
