Haiti?s reckless political infighting must end
The Miami Herald - BY MARK SCHNEIDER - April 2, 2012
Some of Haitian President Michel Martelly?s closest advisors and some
opposition Parliament leaders are still locked in a reckless high-wire
battle that threatens to plunge the nation into instability and
stagnation. They have to compromise quickly and agree to move the
country to firm ground with consensus on meeting critical challenges
facing Haiti.
For five months, Parliament denied Martelly his choice for prime
minister and, now, after five months, his coterie has forced Prime
Minister Gary Conille to resign, placing the country again in
caretaker status without the ability to sign new contracts, authorize
new hires or start new projects in a country desperate for jobs,
decent and permanent homes for the displaced and economic
infrastructure. Private-sector investors are once again likely to sit
on their hands until they see stability down the road.
For an international community that has pledged $5.3 billion,
committed less than half that amount and managed to actually spend
only a fraction on rubble removal, schools, roads and the
infrastructure that Haiti needs to recover from the 2010 earthquake,
this is not the time to assign blame.
However, the time is long overdue for a national political accord to
end the stalemate. Haiti cannot afford another five months of waiting
for a prime minister to be sworn in, his ministers named and campaign
promises turned into reconstruction and transformation projects. It
has to move much, much faster than that.
The process also has to be built on the rule of law. Martelly has made
justice reform one of his priorities, and he has taken important steps
in naming new Supreme Court judges and promising to appoint a
Judiciary Council. He also needs to build on the positive elements of
Haitian National Police reform. Now, with crime trends heading in the
wrong direction, he needs to support an independent, competent,
internally accountable police force and assure transparent, competent
and professional leadership when the current chief?s term ends.
However, the rule of law cannot be built on a foundation of
illegality. Martelly correctly has called for the disbanding of
hundreds of ex-soldiers of the former Haitian armed forces and
?wannabe? soldiers of a new army, many armed and dangerous, who have
illegally occupied government facilities. Now it is up to the United
Nations to ?lead from behind? giving the National Police the plan and
back-up to arrest the outlaws in uniform. Whatever happens in the
future with respect to an additional security force ? hopefully only
after the police force has reached its fully trained size ? that force
cannot be made up of law-breakers.
Haiti?s political leaders have been blocking the selection of an
electoral council that can organize the Parliamentary and local
elections for a third of the Senate and local governments. Those who
persist in blocking agreements need to be identified publicly so they
are forced to respond to their constituencies in future elections.
The Superior Council of the National Police (CSPN) under the prime
minister needs to finalize the decisions on vetting of the HNP.
Ideally, the constitutional amendments that were supposedly agreed to
last year should be published, leading to more of the diaspora
participating in Haiti?s reconstruction, reducing Haiti?s nearly
yearly elections schedule and enabling a permanent electoral council.
Martelly needs to break with precedent whereby Haiti?s leaders focus
on concentrating power around them rather than building trust with
opponents. The current political crisis needs to end. Otherwise,
Martelly and his political opponents will find donors and investors
disappearing. Haiti?s international partners have to speak loudly and
clearly that a minimum of political consensus is required to invest in
a country desperate for renewal.
Mark L. Schneider is senior vice president of the International Crisis Group.
The Miami Herald - BY MARK SCHNEIDER - April 2, 2012
Some of Haitian President Michel Martelly?s closest advisors and some
opposition Parliament leaders are still locked in a reckless high-wire
battle that threatens to plunge the nation into instability and
stagnation. They have to compromise quickly and agree to move the
country to firm ground with consensus on meeting critical challenges
facing Haiti.
For five months, Parliament denied Martelly his choice for prime
minister and, now, after five months, his coterie has forced Prime
Minister Gary Conille to resign, placing the country again in
caretaker status without the ability to sign new contracts, authorize
new hires or start new projects in a country desperate for jobs,
decent and permanent homes for the displaced and economic
infrastructure. Private-sector investors are once again likely to sit
on their hands until they see stability down the road.
For an international community that has pledged $5.3 billion,
committed less than half that amount and managed to actually spend
only a fraction on rubble removal, schools, roads and the
infrastructure that Haiti needs to recover from the 2010 earthquake,
this is not the time to assign blame.
However, the time is long overdue for a national political accord to
end the stalemate. Haiti cannot afford another five months of waiting
for a prime minister to be sworn in, his ministers named and campaign
promises turned into reconstruction and transformation projects. It
has to move much, much faster than that.
The process also has to be built on the rule of law. Martelly has made
justice reform one of his priorities, and he has taken important steps
in naming new Supreme Court judges and promising to appoint a
Judiciary Council. He also needs to build on the positive elements of
Haitian National Police reform. Now, with crime trends heading in the
wrong direction, he needs to support an independent, competent,
internally accountable police force and assure transparent, competent
and professional leadership when the current chief?s term ends.
However, the rule of law cannot be built on a foundation of
illegality. Martelly correctly has called for the disbanding of
hundreds of ex-soldiers of the former Haitian armed forces and
?wannabe? soldiers of a new army, many armed and dangerous, who have
illegally occupied government facilities. Now it is up to the United
Nations to ?lead from behind? giving the National Police the plan and
back-up to arrest the outlaws in uniform. Whatever happens in the
future with respect to an additional security force ? hopefully only
after the police force has reached its fully trained size ? that force
cannot be made up of law-breakers.
Haiti?s political leaders have been blocking the selection of an
electoral council that can organize the Parliamentary and local
elections for a third of the Senate and local governments. Those who
persist in blocking agreements need to be identified publicly so they
are forced to respond to their constituencies in future elections.
The Superior Council of the National Police (CSPN) under the prime
minister needs to finalize the decisions on vetting of the HNP.
Ideally, the constitutional amendments that were supposedly agreed to
last year should be published, leading to more of the diaspora
participating in Haiti?s reconstruction, reducing Haiti?s nearly
yearly elections schedule and enabling a permanent electoral council.
Martelly needs to break with precedent whereby Haiti?s leaders focus
on concentrating power around them rather than building trust with
opponents. The current political crisis needs to end. Otherwise,
Martelly and his political opponents will find donors and investors
disappearing. Haiti?s international partners have to speak loudly and
clearly that a minimum of political consensus is required to invest in
a country desperate for renewal.
Mark L. Schneider is senior vice president of the International Crisis Group.
