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Section 2: Literature Review

The first available data of Dominican registered voters and votes cast can be found in Latino Immigrants and Electoral Participation, a 1996 report by the Institute for Puerto Rican Policy.45 The authors, Falcon and Sanchez, found that a significant number of Dominicans were registered to vote and did indeed turnout to vote in New York City.“In 1993, [Dominicans] made up 11% of total Latino registered voters and 2% of registered voters…in New York City. In 1992 and 1993 Dominican votes accounted for 13.3% and 12.1% of all votes…cast by Latinos [across the city]. 16 Latino Political Participation in New York City by The Hispanic Federation is the latest report that alludes to a strong correlation between the population of Dominicans and registered voters; however, it never clearly specifies how many Dominicans are registered and how many turned out to vote. The latter report announced that the Latino registered voters grew by 46 percent from 450,000 to more than 657,000, and Washington Heights and Inwood (a Dominican majority minority assembly district) experienced the largest gain in Latino registration of any neighborhood in the city. The other neighborhoods that were cited with a notable increase, such as University Heights, Bronx and Bushwick, Brooklyn, were also neighborhoods with a rapidly growing Dominican population.However, neither of the cited reports can be used to extrapolate voter registration information for the remainder of the country or the State of New York for that matter. Moreover, assembly district level data cannot be directly correlated with congressional districts. Thus, more research and financial resources would be needed to gain the level of accuracy desired in this assessment. Currently, the William C. Velazquez Institute (WCVI), in conjunction with the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project (SVREP), believes it has a viable strategy that may be used to estimate registered voters, but it has not yet been published.Additionally, review of the preliminary results of this strategy show that it fails to isolate ethnic groups and,

at most, the regression results can only estimate the percentageof Latino support a candidate running for election can receive in a given precinct.In order to measure votes cast, WCVI has the resources to conduct exit polls and determine the Latino ethnic breakdown; however, they tend to focus on states where Dominicans are not concentrated, like California and Texas, as explained above Redistricting, Minority Representation, and Congress The Voting Rights Act of 1965 requires that voting block neighborhoods be redistricted every ten years with the census, giving preference to racial and ethnic concentrations, 17 often termed as majority-minority districts.50 It was due to this Act that certain electoral districts at a city- and state-level were formed in 1991. One of these was City Council District 10 (Washington Heights, Inwood and Marble Hill) formed to recognize and give representation to the Dominican community. This soon led to the subsequent election of the first Dominican-American elected official in New York, former City Councilman Guillermo Linares.51 Since 1990 the number of US Dominican elected officials has blossomed to 25 elected officials as of the November 2003 election results. While the desire for minority representation is constantly debated in these “new” districts, little has been written about the effects caused by minority representation once the goal is achieved.52 The most recent redistricting effort occurred from 2000 to 2002 and is recognized as the 108th Congressional Districts. Due to the Act, a comparative study of the same congressional district in different decades is not possible. Thus, it is imperative for Dominican-American organizations and scholars to begin an assessment of how political representatives are responding to the needs of the Dominican community and to study how they have responded over time. In the interim, rearranging the data in terms of Metropolitan Statistical Areas could create the platform needed to compare the impact of minority representation more easily.

It is through these initial steps that political officials are held accountable to their campaign promises to support issues of interest to the Dominican national agenda, such as affordable health care insurance, access to better educational opportunities, and economic empowerment. Although a US Dominican has never been elected to US Congress it is the belief of prominent Dominican-American leaders that one could and should be elected soon. Thus, this study helps provide a focus to isolate the congressional districts where the likely candidates may come from. Moreover, this report also provides the groundwork for the Dominican community to better understand the dynamics of redistricting and to prepare itself for the next redistricting process in 2010. 18

Summary

This section covers the current limitations in the existing literature on Dominican political behaviors and voting habits. While some data does exists in terms of case studies and surveys, studies about Dominicans has been mainly intellectualized and rationalized based on theoretical inference. This is a problem since surveys and studies show that Latinos community behaviors can vary with nationality. The current cadre of information available suggests that Dominicans do tend to be more politically involved reflective to their ability to gain local-level political representation nationwide and even obtain a majority-minority City Council district in New York. Yet, a closer study of the benefits of these districts and the effectiveness of their elected officials is needed.

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